一位重庆的"挑夫"刚开始不相信薄熙来(专题)–这位有魅力的、雄心勃勃的市委书记–已经被逐出领导位置。
2012年3月5日，薄熙来(专题)出席第十一届全国人民代表大会第五次会议开幕式，听取国务院总理温家宝作政府工作报告。图为在会场上的薄熙来(专题)在认证听取报告。
在被免职之前，薄熙来似乎已经接近中国政治权利的中心，其大胆的发展社会主义的愿景在人潮涌动的西南城市大受欢迎。
一位饱经风霜的挑夫将行李挂在扁担的两头，穿行在陡峭的山坡上，他是重庆政府改善农民和农民工生活政策的受益者。
"他是退休了还是什么？怎么回事？他上周不是还在参加两会吗？"曹长德（音译）问。曹长德是重庆的一个行李搬运工，他表示自己不识字，只能看电视。
"薄熙来是个好人，他使这里的生活改善了很多。"他在附近的奢侈品店等待工作的时候补充说道。
如果中央政府正在掀起一场否定或者惩罚薄熙来的运动的话，这种情绪可能会在更广泛的层面上形成挑战。
现在还没有人知道，薄熙来政治生涯的结束仅仅是其个人性的，还是意味着他所拥护的"重庆模式"的终结。
薄熙来，62岁，于周四被免去重庆市委书记职务，在受到国务院总理温家宝公开谴责后的一天。
在重庆市副市长、前警察局长王立军(专题)2月份闯入美国驻成都领事馆事件发生后，薄进入核心领导层的机会变得越来越暗淡。
尽管他此前的政策获得了成功，刺激了重庆和大连经济的快速发展，但他的共产主义红色复兴运动惊动了温家宝等上层领导人。温家宝的家庭曾在文革期间受到打压。
此外，薄熙来急躁的风格和对追求更高的政治地位不加掩饰的努力也与强调集体主义高于个人崇拜的共产党作风背道而驰。
总之，薄熙来的张扬做法使他与成为党内精英的道路错开。当王立军(专题)事件爆发时，他显得形单影只。
毛派 左翼知识分子
前商务部部长薄熙来喜爱时髦的商业西服，看似不可能、但实际上却是毛泽东思想的热情追随者，是一位左翼知识分子，他渴望打破市场统治，追求普通人中国人所向往的一个更加公平的社会。
一些薄的支持者告诉路透社，他们认为这是一个破坏重庆的大胆试验的阴谋。
"他们正在利用这个打击重庆、打击薄熙来。"北京左翼网站和书店乌托邦的总经理范景刚说。
周五，乌托邦网站无法访问。接电话的一位工作人员称这是一个"技术问题"，然后就不再细谈。
受到"太子党"身份的帮助，薄熙来努力将自己包装称一个正直的社会主义者。太子党一般指20世纪80年代中共元老的子女。
在公众面前，他与其他政治人士一样作出各种姿态，希望在未来的政治局常委中获得一个席位。但他频繁的、常常是有点浮夸的公开露面令人对其政治野心产生怀疑。
隐秘的选举模式将在2012年年底的共产党代表大会上达到高潮，届时现任领导人将放弃其党内职务；然后在2013年年初的全国代表大会上，他们将会正式离职。
薄熙来的经济模式产生了中国最高的增长率。
据政府数据，从2007年到去年为止，重庆年均经济增长率高达15.8%。其中2011年经济增长16.4%，超过北京和上海，成为中国增长最快的城市。1997年，重庆称从西川省独立出来成为一个直辖市，其辖区包括城市和大片农村。
将缩小贫富差距摆在优先位置
对共产党来说，加速城市化和缩小贫富差距是其首要任务，因为贫富差距可能导致社会动乱、威胁其对权力的控制。
这使得预备未来领导人交接的新思路在党内获得一部分支持者。
"以前没有要求解决方案的一些问题现在变得急迫，"退休的中央政府官员张木生说，"解决这些问题的各种选择的竞争不断升级。"
至少上周五，薄熙来在被免职、受到嘲笑之前，在其最后一次媒体发布会上对个人的未来及重庆模式还显得斗志昂扬。
"如果只有少数人是富裕，那么我们会走向资本主义，我们可能会失败。如果一个新的资本家阶级出现，那么我们真的采取了错误的路线。"两会期间他在挤满记者和重庆代表的房间里说。
"一些同志的心态是，只有在蛋糕做大之后才能谈怎么切它。"他说。
"但这不是我的观点。只有很好地去切蛋糕，使每个人都有积极性，蛋糕才能做大。"
对薄熙来被免职感到失望
重庆烟雾弥漫的天际线被那些和城市的GDP一起迅速成长的公寓楼打破，其中包括"民心佳园"公租房–该市为从农村进入城市的较为贫穷的居民提供的资助出租房。
其中一些人为薄熙来的突然离开感到沮丧。
"薄熙来为重庆做了很多好事。他改变了很多。看看周围，你就可以知道。"居民张红松（音译）说。
重庆政府官方微博上薄熙来被免职的消息后面，数百个网民表示了对这位前任书记的支持，除了经济政策之外，薄熙来打击有组织的犯罪的进取运动也受到欢迎。
在重庆街头卖菠萝的刘山（音译），一个60多岁的小个子男人，说他在电视上看到了薄熙来被免职的新闻。
"他们一点也没有说他做得好的事情。一句话也没有，"刘说，"我不是说他一切都好。我们老百姓不会知道很多，但难道他做得全是坏的吗？"
但像其他百姓一样，刘对薄熙来被免职感到沮丧。"我们普通老百姓就像树一样，在风中摇摆，"他说，"没有什么好大惊小怪的。我们需要在被任命的领导人下面生活。"
(Reuters) – The "stick men" of China’s sprawling riverside city of Chongqing at first didn’t believe that Bo Xilai, the charismatic and ambitious local Communist Party chief, had been pushed out by national leaders.
Before his downfall, Bo appeared to be on his way to a place at the very centre of power, bringing with him the vision of bold socialist growth that had made him so popular in this teeming southwestern city.
The weather-beaten stick men, who tote luggage on bamboo poles up and down the city’s steep hillsides, were meant to be among the beneficiaries of his plans to improve life for farmers and migrant workers.
"Has he retired or something? What’s the matter? Wasn’t he at the national parliament last week?," asked Cao Changde, a luggage carrier in Chongqing who said he could not read and did not watch television.
"Bo Xilai was a good man. He made life a lot better here," he added as he waited for work near luxury shops.
That sentiment could challenge the government on a much wider stage if it mounts a campaign to discredit or punish Bo.
It is far from clear whether his political demise is simply personal or also means the end of the "Chongqing model" of more equal growth that he championed.
Bo, 62, was sacked on Thursday, a day after a very public rebuke by Premier Wen Jiabao.
His chances of entering the inner circle had already dimmed after Vice Mayor Wang Lijun, previously his longtime police chief, turned up in February at the U.S. consulate in nearby Chengdu, where he stayed until he was coaxed out and placed under investigation.
Despite the success of his policies, which spurred rapid development on the streets of Chongqing and Dalian where he was previously mayor, his Communist Red revival campaigns had alarmed members of the top leadership like Premier Wen, who had suffered the excesses of the Cultural Revolution.
His brash style and ill-disguised efforts to campaign for high office also ran counter to Communist Party practice of emphasizing collective leadership over personality cults.
In short, Bo’s self promotion appeared to rub the party elite the wrong way, and when the Wang Lijun incident broke, he was left to fend for himself.
MAOISTS, LEFT-WING INTELLECTUALS
The former commerce minister, who favors sharp business suits, attracted an unlikely but ardent following among Maoists, left-wing intellectuals hoping to break free of market dominance, and ordinary Chinese yearning for a fairer society.
Some of his supporters told Reuters they believed there had been a conspiracy to trash Chongqing’s bold experiment.
"They’re using this to attack Chongqing and attack Bo Xilai," said Fan Jinggang, the general manager of Utopia, a Beijing-based website and bookstore that espouses leftwing ideas inspired by Mao Zedong and Karl Marx.
On Friday, the website of Utopia was inaccessible. A staff member who answered the telephone said it was a "technical problem", and would not elaborate.
Bo’s effort to wrap himself in socialist rectitude was helped by his status a "princeling", a child of the founding revolutionary elite who served under Mao.
He was as coy in public as other politicians about hopes for a spot in the next Standing Committee, the inner core of party power. Yet his frequent, often flamboyant public appearances left few doubts about his ambitions.
The secretive selection process culminates in a Communist Party Congress late in 2012, when the current leaders give up their party posts, and a national parliament session in early 2013, when they step down from their government positions.
Bo’s economic model has yielded China’s highest growth rates.
From 2007 to last year, Chongqing’s economy grew an average annual 15.8 percent, according to government data. In 2011 it was 16.4 percent, the fastest growing urban region and ahead of Shanghai and Beijing, according to Chongqing government data.
Last year, Bo announced plans to grant 5 million of rural residents permanent urban residential status over 5 years. He also vowed to shrink the ratio between average urban and rural incomes from 3.3 to 1, to 2.5 to 1. Carved out of Sichuan province as an independent political unit in 1997, Chongqing includes both city and a broad swath of countryside.
NARROWING INEQUALITY A PRIORITY
Accelerating urbanization and narrowing inequality are top priorities for the Communist Party, which fears they could result in unrest and threaten its grip on power.
That has created a receptive audience among party officials for new ideas to address in the run-up to the coming leadership handover.
"The problems that didn’t demand a solution before are becoming urgent," said Zhang Musheng, a retired central government official. "There’s now growing competition over the options to tackle these problems."
As late as last Friday, Bo had sounded combative about his future and the Chongqing model, using his last media briefing before his dismissal to deride foes.
"If only a minority of people are wealthy, then we would be heading towards capitalism and we would have failed. If a new capitalist class emerges, then we’ll really have taken the wrong route," he told a room jammed with journalists and Chongqing delegates to the national parliament.
"Some comrades have the mentality that only after the cake has grown big can you talk about how to slice it," he said.
"But that’s not my view. Only if the cake is sliced well does everyone have the enthusiasm so the cake can grow bigger."
DISMAY AT BO’S DEPARTURE
The smoggy skyline of Chongqing is broken up by apartment blocks that have shot up along with the city’s GDP. They include the "Minxin Jiayuan" complex, the city’s flagship effort to provide subsidized rental housing for poorer residents moving in from the countryside.
Some of them were upset by Bo’s sudden departure.
"Bo Xilai did many things for Chongqing. He changed it a lot. Look around you and you can see that," said resident Zhang Hongsong.
The announcement of Bo’s departure carried by the Chongqing government’s official microblog garnered hundreds of supportive comments for him. Beyond his economic policies, Bo is popular for his aggressive campaign to crackdown on organised crime.
Liu Shan’er, a small man in his 60s selling pineapple slices on sticks on a Chongqing street, said he had seen the television news report about Bo’s dismissal.
"They didn’t say anything about the good things he did. Not one word," said Liu. "I’m not saying he’s all good. We ordinary people never know that much. But could he be all bad?"
But like other residents, Liu tempered his dismay with resignation. "We ordinary folks are just like trees that have to sway with the wind," he said. "There’s no good making a fuss. We just have to live with the leaders who get appointed."
路透社
本论坛中所有主题言论和图片纯属新闻传达，与本站立场无关。
>>
未经允许不得转载：综合资讯 » 薄熙来被免职 重庆百姓肯定其改善民生